International
security cooperation is undergoing a profound transformation. Institutions that
once structured collective responses to crises are increasingly constrained by
geopolitical rivalry, declining effectiveness and growing legitimacy
challenges. The NAVIGATOR working paper The end of multilateralism as we
know it? Assessing current trends in international security examines how
security governance is evolving and what this changing landscape means for the
European Union.
Rather than
signalling the disappearance of multilateralism, the paper shows how security
cooperation is being reconfigured. Formal organisations remain central, but
they now coexist with more flexible and state-driven arrangements that reshape
how collective action is organised.
A shifting environment for global security governance
The
rules-based international order that has long underpinned European security
policy is under pressure. Intensifying great power competition, Russia’s
invasion of Ukraine and growing geopolitical polarisation have narrowed the
space for cooperation in many established forums. At the same time, scepticism
about the capacity of existing institutions to deliver tangible security
outcomes has become more widespread.
For the EU,
this context is particularly challenging. As a long-standing supporter of
institutionalised and rules-based cooperation, the Union is now operating in an
environment in which security governance is becoming more transactional,
selective and politically contested. The paper highlights three overarching
pressures shaping this evolution: geopolitical rivalry, declining institutional
effectiveness and a growing crisis of legitimacy.
From institutional gridlock to
flexible security arrangements
One of the
paper’s central observations is the increasing reliance on informal and
task-oriented formats of cooperation. When formal organisations face political
deadlock or operational constraints, states increasingly turn to ad hoc
coalitions in order to act more rapidly and retain tighter control over
decision-making.
These
coalitions are usually temporary, flexible in membership and focused on
concrete operational objectives. They are becoming an important feature of
contemporary security governance, especially in crisis response and military
cooperation. The EU has actively contributed to this shift, notably through the
European Peace Facility, which has enabled direct support to partners and
coalitions in contexts such as Ukraine and counter-terrorism operations in
Africa.
While these
arrangements offer speed and operational flexibility, the paper underlines that
their growing prominence also raises governance concerns. Ad hoc coalitions do
not provide the same institutionalised oversight, long-term commitments and
normative frameworks as formal organisations. Over time, a strong dependence on
such formats risks weakening the institutional structures that underpin
predictable and legitimate security cooperation.
Formal organisations under strain
The paper
examines how key international and regional organisations are adapting to this
changing environment, with a particular focus on the United Nations Security
Council and UN peace operations, the African Union, the OSCE and NATO.
At the
global level, the UN Security Council remains the main forum for international
peace and security. However, its capacity to respond to major crises is
increasingly constrained by veto use and political polarisation. At the same
time, the drawdown of UN peace operations and the absence of new large-scale
missions reflect both geopolitical divisions and growing doubts about the
effectiveness of traditional peacekeeping instruments.
In Africa,
the African Union continues to play an important normative and political role,
supported for many years by the EU. Yet regional security cooperation has
become more fragmented, with sub-regional operations and ad hoc coalitions
often replacing established mechanisms. Coups, shifting alliances and external
involvement have further complicated the institutional environment.
The OSCE
illustrates a different type of institutional pressure. Although its
consensus-based decision-making has become a significant limitation in the
current political climate, it remains one of the few pan-European platforms in
which dialogue between Russia and Western states still takes place.
NATO has
meanwhile re-centred its mission on territorial defence and deterrence
following the war in Ukraine and the rise of hybrid threats. At the same time,
uncertainty surrounding long-term US engagement and burden-sharing has
increased pressure on European allies to strengthen their own defence
capabilities and deepen cooperation.
The EU between geopolitics,
effectiveness and legitimacy
Across
these institutional settings, the paper identifies a fundamental dilemma for
the EU. A more geopolitical approach may strengthen the Union’s ability to
protect its interests and respond quickly to crises. However, this can come at
the expense of inclusiveness and the legitimacy of global and regional
institutions that the EU has traditionally supported.
Efforts to
increase effectiveness through flexible and informal cooperation can generate
short-term operational gains, but they also risk reinforcing perceptions of
selective multilateralism and weakening support for universal institutions. At
the same time, demands for more inclusive global governance, particularly from
emerging and developing countries, challenge existing power distributions and
may reduce the EU’s relative influence.
The paper
argues that no single institutional arrangement can resolve these tensions.
Instead, the EU must continuously navigate trade-offs between geopolitical
relevance, institutional effectiveness and normative credibility.
Towards a more strategic use of
security institutions
Looking
ahead, the paper suggests that the central challenge is not whether formal
organisations or ad hoc coalitions should dominate security cooperation, but
how different instruments can be combined more strategically.
Ad hoc
coalitions can play a useful role when formal institutions are blocked or slow
to respond. However, they should be designed in ways that complement
established organisations rather than compete with them. Political endorsement
by relevant regional and global institutions, clearer functional
differentiation and stronger coordination are essential to prevent further
institutional erosion.
In an
increasingly crowded and fragmented security governance landscape, the EU’s
influence will depend less on the creation of new formats and more on its
capacity to organise cooperation across multiple institutional layers. Using
different arrangements for different purposes, while preserving the legitimacy
and long-term capacity of formal organisations, emerges as a key principle for
navigating security cooperation in a crisis-driven multilateral system.

